One of the themes of the book is repetitive disappointment. Time and time again, humans worldwide have fallen victim to heinous crimes that were committed without much international resistance. Atrocities were allowed to proceed in Cambodia, Iraq, and Bosnia (among other places) for many reasons, not the least of which was political convenience.

In most cases, perpetrators of genocide, atrocities, and chemical weapons attacks conducted these acts with the knowledge that the world had neither the willpower nor the mechanisms to deliver justice. In almost all cases, we were reluctant to believe, slow to listen, late to mobilize, and horrified by the magnitude of suffering that had occurred. Our world has changed immeasurably since politically uncomfortable reports of Iraqi chemical weapons attacks on Iranian soldiers and Iraqi Kurds fell on unlistening ears in the late ‘80s. If it happened today, we wouldn’t just listen – we would act. Wouldn’t we?

The conflict in Syria has been riddled by allegations of chemical weapons attacks by the Assad regime since at least late 2012. A cursory Google search of allegations unearths a Wikipedia page dedicated to the use of chemical weapons in Syria which notes almost 60 incidents where chemical weapons were reported as being used. Although UN investigators actually responded to allegations with a report in a somewhat timely manner (compared to Iraq in the 80s), the investigators were careful not to assign blame to any party – even when it was determined that missiles carrying chemical weapons were launched from government-controlled territory.

Any form of military intervention in Syria was avoided when the Syrian government agreed to eliminate its entire chemical weapon stockpile. I have issues with what seems to be the conceptual equivalent of a murderer avoiding jail time by turning in his gun, but at least it was progress. Almost a year ago to date, Syria’s declared chemical weapons stockpile was announced to be completely destroyed. Of course, there were always suspicions that the Assad regime was hiding undeclared caches of chemicals, but at least it was progress.

Marking the success, President Obama commented the collective “we” had sent “a clear message that the use of these abhorrent weapons has consequences and will not be tolerated by the international community.” But really, were the consequences so severe?

The Assad regime seems to think not. In early May, US officials accused the regime of continued use of chlorine gas on civilians. In July, The Wall Street Journal published a story headlined “Mission to Purge Syria of Chemical Weapons Comes Up Short”, which was exactly what it sounds like. Two weeks ago, the UN adopted a measure to finally identify the party(s) responsible for chemical weapons attacks in Syria. Even after perpetrators are officially identified after years of essentially unimpeded use, prosecution could be “years or more than a decade away.” It doesn’t take an expert to see the similarities between the atrocities occurring and Syria and those that occurred in Iraq, Bosnia, and many other places before.

I think there is value in reflecting on the failures of our conventions and red lines, just as there is value in considering that we are likely underestimating the number of casualties caused by chemical weapons in Syria – just as we have in conflicts before. In “A Problem From Hell” (2002), Ambassador Power notes her fear that the “Kosovo intervention and the Milosevic trial, once thought to mark important precedents, may come to represent high-water marks in genocide prevention and punishment”. Thirteen years later, the water level is mostly unchanged. We have grown better at believing (mostly), and the international community does a whole lot of listening now. Still, that’s not enough.

We have the evidence, and we have the responsibility to act on it. If we choose to forget past lessons and drag our feet even more in Syria, we’ll again be horrified by the magnitude of suffering we inevitably uncover.

9. Burma’s Martyrs Day honors pro-democracy activists

8. Cambodian opposition leader Rainsy returns from exile

7. UN envoy warns of risk to Syrian children

6. Peacekeepers killed in Darfur

5. Fighting in South Sudan has cut off aid access

4. Congolese refugees in Uganda reach 60,000

3. Burma vows to free all political prisoners

2. Samantha Power calls UN inaction in Syria a “disgrace”

1. Momentum in Syria shifts toward Assad

Many people know of the genocide that happened in Cambodia in the 1970s. Over 2 million Cambodians were killed in a movement led by Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge communist government. Read STAND’s history of the genocide here. Today, Cambodia’s government is led by Prime Minister Hun Sen of the Cambodian People’s Party. Though Cambodia is a parliamentary, representative democracy on paper, in the past year over 1 million people have been forced out of work and their homes by the government, according to the US House of Representatives.

Last week, Amnesty International screened the documentary “Even a Bird Needs a Nest,” which focuses on residents in the Boeung Kak district of the capital of Cambodia, Phnom Penh. Civilians in this area have been forcibly evicted from their homes by the corrupt government, which is offering the land to powerful companies for commercial development. Meanwhile, the residents of these homes are made to live in relocation camps that do not provide even the most basic services. The film focuses on a strong group of women that is demonstrating against the government. Says one woman: “People are not afraid of dying. They are afraid of losing their homes.”

Sam Rainsy, leader of the opposition party (SRP), spoke from his exiled location: “This regime is neither democratic nor communistic. We have leaders who consider Cambodia their personal possession.” One civilian said, “I don’t think Pol Pot was as cruel as this government.” The government first asks civilians to negotiate for their homes – offering small monetary compensation. Some have signed negotiations, but never received what they were promised. If civilians refuse to negotiate, the government floods their homes or pumps sand in until they are ruined and the residents are forced to leave. Relocation camps that are set up for evicted citizens provide few amenities. A Cambodian at the Ang Andong relocation camp said:  “I’ve lived here for 5 years. No one has come to ask me if I’m okay. I have no hatred or fear left.” When asked about the evictions, Prime Minister Hun Sen said only that Cambodia’s biggest problem is the wealth gap, and “we can’t do anything about it.”

Protesters have taken to the streets, demonstrating against the government. A group of residents from Boeung Kak even gathered outside of the French embassy to beg for help. Many of the leaders of these protests have been arrested. Mu Sochua, an elected member of the SRP in the parliament, was one such protester. As she was taken away, she said, “I am very hopeful that one day our country will be united.”

It has been 34 years since the genocide in Cambodia came to an end. Though progress has been made, it is clear that the government is still persecuting its civilians, which although is not outright killing, could be seen as another kind of mass atrocity. STAND will continue to analyze post-conflict areas in the coming weeks – make sure to check back!

9. Syrian foreign minister says the government will attend peace talks in Geneva to form a unity government, not allow transfer of power

8. Syrian conflict continues to spill over into Lebanon, including bus passengers stabbed in Beirut and Nusra Front rebels attacking the Lebanese army.

7. Damascus hit by suicide attack near the Maryameye Orthodox Church, at least 4 dead

6. Observatory for Human Rights claims the death toll in Syria has topped 100,000

5. Over 150,000 government protests have occurred in Brazil (check back tomorrow for more details!) and protests continue despite government concessions

4. Turkey’s EU bid delayed amid reports of arrests connected to recent protests

3. South Sudan closer to obtaining oil pipeline

2. Tribal clashes kill at least 40 people near Darfur

1. Cambodia begins election campaign that is expected to continue the reign of Prime Minister Hun Sen

Cambodia’s main ethnic groups consist of the majority Khmer, as well as the minority Chinese, Cham, Vietnamese, and many other minority groups, including indigenous people.

It is estimated that the ethnic Vietnamese make up approximately 5% of Cambodia’s total population today. Apparently stateless and a small group, members face daily civil and human rights abuses by local Khmer authorities.

There is insufficient documentation that allows us to pinpoint exactly how far back in history ethnic Vietnamese ancestry in Cambodia goes. However, in ongoing research with people of the ethnic Vietnamese group in the Kampong Chhnang province, many claimed that their families had been living in Cambodia for decades; various people in their 40s to 70s claimed that they were sure that their great grandparents lived on this land.

In addition to their possible stateless status,¹ throughout modern history, the ethnic Vietnamese has been discriminated by every government that has ruled Cambodia. Discrimination existed under the post-French colonization, Sihanouk era, and increased significantly under Lon Nol’s government.

Once the Khmer Rouge overthrew Lon Nol and took over government, the ethnic Vietnamese was nearly wiped out as a consequence of the Khmer Rouge’s genocidal purges against the population. The Khmer Rouge dismissed the fact that the ethnic Vietnamese saw themselves as Cambodian people (due to the fact that they had lived in the region for decades) and accused them of being Vietnam’s spies and internal enemies who were going to help Vietnam’s takeover of Cambodia from the inside. Such discrimination would further lead Khmer Rouge killers to accuse non-Vietnamese victims of having “Khmer bodies, but Vietnamese minds.”

Since the Khmer Rouge regime fell, outright massacres of the ethnic Vietnamese have ceased. However, ongoing civil and human rights abuses against the group continue.

Based on what available research can tell us so far, the ethnic Vietnamese population appears stateless.² They are not registered citizens in either Cambodia or Vietnam.³ It appears that Cambodia does not recognize the group as Cambodian citizens due to historical discrimination, as well as the persistent political belief that they are Vietnamese citizens who are spies and are infiltrating Cambodia from within – the rest of Cambodia’s population disregard that members of the group have ancestry that spans decades and that their loyalty in fact stays with Cambodia. On the other hand, Vietnam does not recognize the group as being native Vietnamese citizens, presumably because the group’s members were not born in or had lived for an extended period of time in Vietnam.

The consequences of the ethnic Vietnamese’s seeming statelessness results in severe limitations to the group’s political, economic, and social rights. Specifically, statelessness status of the group means that members:

• Cannot own land or property;
• Cannot be formally employment (particularly in cities);
• Cannot partake in banking activities (e.g. opening an account or obtaining loans);
• Cannot vote;
• Cannot access the judicial system (e.g. lawsuits);
• Cannot access social services (e.g. health care and education); and
• Cannot register marriages, births, or deaths; and
• Cannot travel freely (in-country, across borders, or overseas).

Thus, though the most difficult period to date for the many members of the ethnic Vietnamese minority group – the Khmer Rouge’s genocide of its people – is over, they still face civil and human rights challenges due to their lack of citizenship.

Notes:

1. More research is needed before we make a claim that the ethnic Vietnamese as a collective group is stateless; as of now, we can only claim statelessness on an individual, case-by-case basis.

2. On account of researchers being unable to prove any previous acquisition of nationality under Cambodian laws.

3. Again, research on this group is limited, so we cannot assume that all ethnic Vietnamese lack citizenship; it is therefore difficult to make a claim that the collective group, as a whole, is stateless.