The first use of chemical warfare in the Syrian conflict was documented in March 2013, when a district in Aleppo was attacked by sarin nerve gas, yet no one was proven responsible.  Following that attack, the Assad regime deployed sarin gas in August of that year, killing more than 1,400 people. A U.S. assessment of the attack reported on the egregious symptoms of sarin attacks, such as “unconsciousness, foaming at the nose and mouth, rapid heartbeat, and difficulty breathing.”  Despite a U.S. attempt at intervention by President Obama’s announcement of chemical weapons use as a “red line,” a deal with Syria to turn over its chemical weapons to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons has failed miserably. Since chlorine is used for many industrial processes, it was not included in the deal, and has since been regularly used as a weapon in Syria. In fact, the Syrian American Medical Society, an organization providing healthcare in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan to Syrians affected by the conflict, has recorded 194 chemical attacks across Syria since 2012, most involving chlorine-like substances, which displays a clear and persistent abuse of this material. Nine months ago, the Syrian government’s abuses were brought under even more scrutiny when they used sarin gas again in their assault on the northern town of Khan Sheikhoun. This attack caused a much stronger reaction from the international community. 83 civilians were killed, which led the Trump administration to launch an airstrike against the Syria airbase from which the bomber began its mission.

Many members of the international community blame Russia for the reoccurrence of chemical warfare in Syria due to Russia’s tendency to veto any action that would investigate or combat the use of such weapons. Most recently, Russia vetoed a resolution to create a Joint Investigative Mechanism in November. This initiative was designed to investigate and name those involved in the chemical attacks in Syria. When they vetoed this resolution, U.S. Ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley said that Russia “sent a dangerous message to the world” by deeming it acceptable to use chemical warfare against one’s own people. Additionally, since there is definitive reasoning that the Assad regime is guilty of human rights abuses, Russia’s efforts to stop international intervention could violate UN Security Council Resolution 2118, which constitutes that the use of chemical weapons anywhere represents a threat to international peace and security. The resolution specifically prohibits Syria from “using, developing, producing, otherwise acquiring, stockpiling or retaining chemical weapons, or transferring them to other States or non-State actors.” Syria must comply with the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and allow UN or OPCW representatives to have access to chemical weapons sites.

Launched on January 23, 2018, the international community formed the International Partnership Against Impunity for the Use of Chemical Weapons to take a definitive stance against Russia and Syria’s atrocities in the region. This 29-nation coalition includes France, Germany, the United Kingdom, and the United States, and is dedicated to preventing and punishing nations for chemical weapon use. Additionally, France has independently placed sanctions on businesses that were “supply networks for the Syrian Research and Study Centre (CERS),” which it describes as the “main laboratory in charge of chemical programmes” for the Syrian government.” France falls short of placing sanctions on individuals who are directly involved, however, citing possible political repercussions.

While the initial international responses to Russia and Syria’s actions are a good place to start, they are not nearly strong enough to have any substantial effect. This coalition needs to take bold, strong moves against Syria and Russia in order to ensure no more Syrian civilians fall victim to chemical weapons. The war in Syria has gone on for far too long, with far too many innocent people losing their lives at the hands of a regime willing to use weapons of mass-destruction against their own population. Check out the Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS)’s Save East Ghouta action page here for inspiration and to take action. It is time to take a STAND.

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Zachary Gossett is a member of the Communications Task Force for STAND. He is a first-year student at Butler University in Indianapolis, Indiana, where he is studying political science. He is passionate about protecting the rights of people of the world.  

This week’s update focuses on Yemen, Syria, and Burma. Though violence and atrocious living conditions continue in Yemen, a positive development comes as the Arab Coalition in Yemen has confirmed they will cease their use of British cluster bombs. Another ceasefire agreement was reached in Syria, this time excluding ISIS and their affiliates.

Middle East and North Africa

Syria

After the latest examples of despair in Syria, the Syrian government and rebel groups in the country have finally agreed to a ceasefire. On December 29, Vladimir Putin and the Turkish government confirmed the settlement. Russian state media stated, “the two sides had also agreed to enter peace talks to end the conflict that has raged for nearly six years.” Russia and Turkey will act as guarantors of the deal.

It is crucial to note the absence of jihadist groups in this deal. The Syrian army has stated that IS groups and their affiliates are not protected by the ceasefire. However, the deal includes the Jabhat Fateh al-Sham group, formerly known as al-Nusra Front, and until mid-2016 al-Qaeda’s Syria branch.

While this is the third nationwide ceasefire in Syria this year, STAND hopes it will last. The Syrian conflict has taken hundreds of thousands of lives and casualties will only grow if this resolve is not kept.

Southeast Asia

Burma

Systemic discrimination against the Rohingya people continues, with Bangladesh reporting that more than fifty thousand Rohingya have fled there since November. On January 3, a video was released of four armed police officers beating unarmed Rohingya men. The grotesque video went viral, causing outraged activists to call for action. In response, the office of Burma’s leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, announced that the four officers would be punished.

One of the countries criticizing Burma’s actions is Malaysia, where Prime Minister Najib Razak has criticized ill treatment of the Rohingya. He also led a rally in December protesting the ongoing discrimination. Ayob Khan Mydin Pitchay, a senior counter-terrorism official in Malaysia, warned that continuing to persecute the Rohingya could make Burma a target for ISIS. His statement was released after the Malaysian government detained a man planning to fight the Myanmar government on behalf of the Rohingya. The unidentified man is suspected to have ties to ISIS.

The Myanmar government continues to depict incidents of violence against the Rohingya as isolated instances, rather than acknowledging their large scale nature. On January 4, the Myanmar government published a report claiming that there was no evidence of genocide or mass rape carried out against the Rohingya.

Emerging Conflicts

Yemen

The humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen continues to rage as the bitter conflict in a seemingly more unstable Middle East appears to have no end in sight. Over 3 million Yemenis have been displaced from their homes, and medical infrastructure, some hundreds of facilities, have been destroyed in constant fighting and bombardment, both from rebels and the Saudi-led coalition and its allies. Groups like Doctors Without Borders have faced growing pressures as a result of the conflict, and many aid organizations have simply pulled out of the region due to the massive security risk, and oftentimes the total disregard for the special protections given to humanitarian workers and civilian facilities under international law. This means that millions lack access to health facilities for basic needs, let alone war-related injuries, and understaffed and undersupplied hospitals are forced to take on more and more patients. The most vulnerable populations appear to be the elderly, pregnant women, and children. Malnourishment, notably in rural areas, has become another major issue, as over half a million children in Yemen face this condition, according to UNICEF. This has contributed significantly to civilian suffering as deaths from the conflict are expected to climb to well over 10,000 by the end of the year, with countless more injuries reported. Many of these casualties are a result of indiscriminate attacks from both rebel forces, through artillery and mortars, and the Saudi-led coalition, mainly through airstrikes.

However, in a positive development, the Arab Coalition in Yemen has confirmed they will no longer use British cluster bombs, which have an especially devastating impact on civilian casualties and infrastructure. Nonetheless, the international community appears to be at a loss regarding a possible long-term solution for Yemen, as previous ceasefires and proposals for talks or a unity government have fallen apart.

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Ana Delgado is STAND’s Middle East and North Africa Coordinator, focusing mainly on Syria. She is a junior at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, majoring in Political Science and Peace, War, and Defense.

Amala Karri is STAND’s Policy Intern and attends Hunter College High School in New York. She contributed STAND’s Burma Update for this week’s Education News Brief.

Jason Qu is STAND’s Emerging Conflicts Coordinator, focusing today on Yemen and Pakistan. He is a Senior at Bronx High School of Science.

One of the themes of the book is repetitive disappointment. Time and time again, humans worldwide have fallen victim to heinous crimes that were committed without much international resistance. Atrocities were allowed to proceed in Cambodia, Iraq, and Bosnia (among other places) for many reasons, not the least of which was political convenience.

In most cases, perpetrators of genocide, atrocities, and chemical weapons attacks conducted these acts with the knowledge that the world had neither the willpower nor the mechanisms to deliver justice. In almost all cases, we were reluctant to believe, slow to listen, late to mobilize, and horrified by the magnitude of suffering that had occurred. Our world has changed immeasurably since politically uncomfortable reports of Iraqi chemical weapons attacks on Iranian soldiers and Iraqi Kurds fell on unlistening ears in the late ‘80s. If it happened today, we wouldn’t just listen – we would act. Wouldn’t we?

The conflict in Syria has been riddled by allegations of chemical weapons attacks by the Assad regime since at least late 2012. A cursory Google search of allegations unearths a Wikipedia page dedicated to the use of chemical weapons in Syria which notes almost 60 incidents where chemical weapons were reported as being used. Although UN investigators actually responded to allegations with a report in a somewhat timely manner (compared to Iraq in the 80s), the investigators were careful not to assign blame to any party – even when it was determined that missiles carrying chemical weapons were launched from government-controlled territory.

Any form of military intervention in Syria was avoided when the Syrian government agreed to eliminate its entire chemical weapon stockpile. I have issues with what seems to be the conceptual equivalent of a murderer avoiding jail time by turning in his gun, but at least it was progress. Almost a year ago to date, Syria’s declared chemical weapons stockpile was announced to be completely destroyed. Of course, there were always suspicions that the Assad regime was hiding undeclared caches of chemicals, but at least it was progress.

Marking the success, President Obama commented the collective “we” had sent “a clear message that the use of these abhorrent weapons has consequences and will not be tolerated by the international community.” But really, were the consequences so severe?

The Assad regime seems to think not. In early May, US officials accused the regime of continued use of chlorine gas on civilians. In July, The Wall Street Journal published a story headlined “Mission to Purge Syria of Chemical Weapons Comes Up Short”, which was exactly what it sounds like. Two weeks ago, the UN adopted a measure to finally identify the party(s) responsible for chemical weapons attacks in Syria. Even after perpetrators are officially identified after years of essentially unimpeded use, prosecution could be “years or more than a decade away.” It doesn’t take an expert to see the similarities between the atrocities occurring and Syria and those that occurred in Iraq, Bosnia, and many other places before.

I think there is value in reflecting on the failures of our conventions and red lines, just as there is value in considering that we are likely underestimating the number of casualties caused by chemical weapons in Syria – just as we have in conflicts before. In “A Problem From Hell” (2002), Ambassador Power notes her fear that the “Kosovo intervention and the Milosevic trial, once thought to mark important precedents, may come to represent high-water marks in genocide prevention and punishment”. Thirteen years later, the water level is mostly unchanged. We have grown better at believing (mostly), and the international community does a whole lot of listening now. Still, that’s not enough.

We have the evidence, and we have the responsibility to act on it. If we choose to forget past lessons and drag our feet even more in Syria, we’ll again be horrified by the magnitude of suffering we inevitably uncover.

A common expression in Syria is “a journey of a thousand miles starts with a single step.” The Syrian Emergency Task Force (SETF) tries to remember this axiom as we go about our work in an ever-changing, constantly challenging environment. For example, SETF coordinated with the local council of a village to open a school, assisting with writing a grant and compiling needs assessments for the community. As a result, an implementing partner agreed to finance the school for three months. For almost two months, the school has operated 5 days a week, providing a safe environment for children to learn, play, and heal.

This village, whose name will not be used for the safety of its people, is a beautiful example of interfaith cooperation and coexistence. The native population of the village is primarily Christian; however, since the conflict in Syria started almost 27 months ago over, 3,000 Sunni Muslim displaced by the conflict have made it their new home.  This school, which is for students between the ages of 7 to 15 provides the opportunity for Christian and Muslim children living side by side to build relationships and learn together.

Syrian children are exposed to horrors that no human being should ever have to see or endure. This school provides an opportunity to enhance the capacity of teachers to help the community, and provide support for traumatized children. All teachers received training on child education and psychosocial care. Reopening this school allows these children an opportunity to normalize their lives even if it is for only 5 hours a day. With a conflict that has lasted over 2 years and has shown no sign of ceasing, rebuilding society and supporting the revolution must be simultaneous.

For a small amount of money, the basic social needs of children can be provided for. This cost provides clothes, food, and childcare. Upon visiting the school, the children are happy and express love for their teachers and schooling. They beg for the school to remain open, but there is only enough funding for 3 months.

Five thousand and five hundred dollars succeeded in bringing a little normalcy back into the lives of 100 Syrian children. Thousands more will be required to build a bright future for Syrian children.