Somalia became an independent republic in 1960. Democracy was short lived, and in 1969, Mohamed Siad Barre seized power and formed a military dictatorship. In 1991, Barre fled when the capital, Mogadishu, was captured by enemy militants. Somaliland again declared itself independent, and armed factions in the south fought for the capital, with Ali Mahdi Mohamed taking power after thousands of civilian deaths. His lack of leadership experience created a national struggle with famine and disease, leaving many feeling hopeless and desperate for aid. Crime rates, especially kidnapping, rose drastically, and education rates dropped. These desperate circumstances created the opportunity for Al-Shabaab to grow. Al-Shabaab offers security, a feeling of belonging, and strength in a place where uneducated young people are feeling alone and neglected.

Al-Shabaab was established in December 2006, fighting to turn Somalia into a strict Islamic state. Al-Shabaab was once the hardline militant youth wing of the Islamic Court Union (ICU). In 2012, Al-Shabaab allied itself with Al Qaeda. Today, Al-Shabab is believed to have around 7,000 to 9,000 members, comprised mainly of kidnapped Somali boys. The group is led by Ahmad Umar, and is responsible for many bombings, killings, and attacks, including a truck bombing in Mogadishu in October 2017 that killed more than 270 civilians and injured nearly 300 in what is East Africa’s deadliest bombing recorded in history. The group has killed over 2,000 people in the past three years alone.

In September 2017, Al-Shabab issued an order for hundreds of children, some as young as eight years old, to train to fight on the front line. Children are forcefully taken from their homes, communities, and schools. Those who are unwilling to join the recruitment campaign often flee their homes, usually alone and scrambling to find a way to survive. It is estimated that almost 500 children have fled their villages in attempt to escape Al-Shabaab recruitment in the last couple of months. Not only does Al-Shabaab torture children, but they also antagonize the elderly. Al-Shabaab has kidnapped leaders of villages and other elderly people who refused their requests to give up children from their villages.

Al-Shabaab also attempts to indoctrinate youth by integrating their own teachings into schools in regions within their control. In September, Al-Shabaab members raided two schools in the Buurhakaba district in an attempted kidnapping of 50 children. They threatened to beat the teachers that resisted and caned any children who disobeyed. The members gave the schools ten days to hand over 25 children, aged 8 to 15 years old. As of late 2017, the children had not been handed over.

Terrorist groups all over the world like Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram, and ISIS not only disrupt a generation, but entire countries’ futures. Children who grow up under Al-Shabaab’s teachings may teach their children the same corrupted values, creating a cycle of abuse. Research shows that children easily become fierce fighters and refuse to leave their new lives that give them a false sense of security. Although the international community has made strides in regressing militant groups’ recruitment processes, ongoing conflicts continue to serve as a hub for child soldiers. In the words of Yoka Brandt, Executive Director of UNICEF, “We cannot give up on them. We can rebuild shattered lives and shattered societies. As we heal these children, we also heal divided societies by erasing the stigma that released children face and building peace and, most importantly, hope.”

—

Fay Alzahrani is a junior at Terre Haute South Vigo High School in Terre Haute, Indiana. This is her first year as a part of the Communication Task Force at STAND. Born in Saudi Arabia, Fay Alzahrani currently studies abroad in Terre Haute, IN.

Burma

Earlier this week ,the U.S. announced that they will withdraw their assistance from Burmese units and officers involved in the violence against the Rohingya. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson did not critique Aung San Suu Kyi’s civilian government for the humanitarian crisis, but held Burma’s military leadership accountable.

State Department Spokesperson Heather Nauert reported that the U.S. is “exploring accountability mechanisms under U.S. law,” specifically the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act. This act allows the president to block or revoke visas of certain foreign individuals and entities, or to impose property sanctions on them. This has the potential to further impede injustices committed by the Burmese military. The U.S. lifted these sanctions last year, after Burma began making more significant moves towards democratization.
Furthermore, both Burmaand Bangladesh have signed two agreements aiming to strengthen border security and cooperation. Mostafa Kamal Uddin, Bangladesh Home Secretary, praised this agreement, hopeful that it will foster a way for the Rohingya to return home safely, and with dignity. However, neither country has yet to release any specific, planned steps for the repatriation, especially because Burma previously claimed military operations ceased on Sept. 5.

Sudan and South Sudan

South Sudan

Under the Magnitsky Act, Canada has decided to impose sanctions on three officials from South Sudan. These sanctions go further than previous Canadian sanctions, freezing the assets of the officials in question. These sanctions are indicative of wider institutional problems in South Sudan. According to The Sentry, South Sudan has several key attributes that make it susceptible to corruption. South Sudan’s vast majority of wealth is held in natural resources, which leads government elites to control the majority of South Sudan’s immense, but not very liquid wealth. This further incentivizes them to hold on to their wealth, explaining why the state has such tight controls over the economy and the budget, while also having corporatist tendencies. South Sudan’s corruption and corporate ties are only intensified by the existence of no-bid contracts that allow for officials to give lucrative projects to companies that are partially owned by those same government officials. In addition, the fragile financial system makes it very easy to siphon money out of the country.

The economic future of refugees has been a top priority of the UNHCR, especially for South Sudanese arriving  without any assets. Per request of the UN, South Sudanese refugees have been permitted to work as laborers in the farms of the White Nile region of Sudan. Not only is the UN providing refugees an opportunity to learn useful skills, but it is also creating a framework whereby refugees can integrate better into their host countries. According to an OCHA report, 40 to 50 percent of the refugee population have started to work on these farms.

Political instability continues in South Sudan, as one of President Kiir’s army chiefs, Paul Malong, has been restricted to his home, now surrounded by troops. Malong was suspected of joining opposition forces after being fired for leading anti-Nuer pogroms in Juba last year. Because of his divisive actions, he was fired by Kiir and sanctioned by the US.

South Sudan

In August, the Sudanese Vice President authorized an effort to disarm rebel groups and citizens in the Darfur region, voluntarily or coercively.  Unfortunately, this effort has been hampered by a lack of funds to assist coercing individuals or groups that continue to resist this initiative. So far, the government has collected 30,000 out of the estimated 700,000 illegal arms harbored in Darfur. Tribal leaders have shown the most resistance and are willing to militarily confront any state force if necessary. The movement of state forces into Darfur has occurred in tandem with the reignition of the conflict between the Ma’alia and Rizeigat tribes. As a show of force, 93 tribal leaders have been arrested and a peaceful demonstration at the South Darfur Kalma Camp was quashed violently, with 6 people dead and 28 injured. This has warranted international condemnation and a call by the US embassy for Sudan to launch an immediate investigation into this instance.

During a diplomatic trip to Khartoum on November 1st, South Sudanese President Salva Kiir addressed the claim that South Sudan has been supporting Sudanese opposition groups. During a meeting with Kiir’s Sudanese counterpart, Omar al-Bashir, Kiir assured him that he would end all support to these opposition groups. Kiir nevertheless rebuked any criticism of his actions saying Sudan was a primary supplier of arms for South Sudanese opposition groups and that Bashir too had supported and even housed some of Kiir’s opposition. Despite this rhetoric, both nations remained conciliatory and made several compromises to end their strenuous relationship, which Kiir believes fuels the ideology of violent rebel groups. This manifested in their agreement to completely demarcate their long border and thereby finally make their demilitarized zone operational.

Middle East and North Africa

Egypt

Egypt’s Al-Aqrab prison is housing an ongoing hunger strike in protest of poor living conditions.

This notorious prison, officially named Tora Maximum Security Prison, is more commonly known by its nickname, the Scorpion. A 2016 report by Human Rights Watch details the gross human rights violations to which prisoners are subjected, including beatings, torture, lack of medical care, and psychological abuse.

The emphasis on Scorpion by human rights groups and news outlets does not mean abusesin other Egyptian prisons has been overlooked. Yet, it is crucial to note that Scorpion “has re-emerged as the central site for those deemed enemies of the state,” and thus, its prisoners are particular targets of government entities. Human Rights Watch explains that the Tora “sits at the end of the state’s repressive pipeline, overseen at nearly all points by the Interior Ministry and its internal security service, the National Security Agency.”

In September, about 80% of the prisoners began a hunger strike against Scorpion employees and Egyptian government’s vile humanitarian offenses. Their complaints included: unwarranted banned family visits, malnourishment; a lack of medical care, confinement, and weather-appropriate clothing. These basic needs are crucial to human dignity, regardless of actual or supposed criminal activity.

This is not the first time prisoners have started a hunger strike at Tora. In March 2016, Al-Jazeera reported on “Egypt’s Guantanamo,” citing similar complaints among prisoners. At the time, the head of the Arab Organization for Human Rights, Mohamed Gameel, in the UK,, said the “Egyptian government would not react unless there was immense pressure from the international community.”

Horn of Africa

Somalia

On October 15, the Somali capital of Mogadishu was devastated by a deadly double car bombing attack which resulted in upwards of 300 confirmed casualties. Surrounding details that emerged soon after have all but confirmed al-Shaabab’s implication in the attack, presenting a major challenge in Somalia’s decade long battle against the militant Islamist group. The attack came as US military officials have increased drone strikes and counter-insurgency efforts.: It has become increasingly clear that accruing military elements to secure the country must come with something more. In a recently released UN article, researchers found that state-sponsored counterterrorism efforts across Africa have systematically increased levels of extremist violence, with 71% of former terrorists indicating that “government action” was the primary factor in joining a terrorist group.

Despite these findings, the front against terrorism following the attack has been primarily militaristic. In the weeks following the attack, the African Union deployed troops in the Lower Shabelle region, for the first time in two years since the AU formally launched an operation against al-Shaabab). The offensive, given the American administration’s relaxed rules of engagement effective March, is likely to contribute to a rise in civilian casualties in the region. Recent investigation has shown that in the Somali city of Bariire, for example, the United States operated on misleading intelligence, which contributed to accidental casualties, which only exacerbate terrorist threats. A week ago, al-Shaabab once again carried out an attack on Mogadishu, killing 23 people at the Nasa-Hablod hotel. On November 7th, al-Shaabab executed four men accused of spying for the Ethiopian and Kenyan governments. As the military response to the terrorist attack builds, it is difficult to predict to what extent the situation will improve.

Meanwhile, tensions in Ethiopia have come to a head as soldiers shot and killed 10 civilians protesting an unfair allocation of food supplies in the region of Oromia. This event underscores the underlying anger of many ethnic Oromo, who claim that the federal government has unequally distributed wealth in favor of other ethnic groups. After the protests dwindled, soldiers were stationed across the region to intimidate civilians and enforce rule of law. This rapid military response has cast doubt on Addis Ababa’s competence in effectively responding to civil protest, while others look to the new Oromo regional administration, which has recently promoted a ethno-nationalist agenda. The mounting instability in the region has captured regional and international attention, raising questions about the federal relationship between Oromia and Addis Ababa, and future grievances in the region.

Great Lakes Region

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Following the turbulent month of October, in which the national Electoral Commission announced elections would not be held until late 2018 at the earliest, two United Nations peacekeepers were killed, and the United Nations declared D.R. Congo an L3 emergency (on par with nations such as Yemen and Iraq). A United Nations watchdog reported on November 9th that militia groups, comprised primarily of child soldiers, continue to commit widespread human rights abuses despite years of warnings. The country’s National Human Rights Commission has been unable to act upon these abuses without funding, which they have gone without since March, and are restricted to operations within the capital city of Kinshasa.

 The Tanganyika province in the southeast of the country has suffered from some of the highest levels of violence and displacement, especially in recent months. On November 1st, the independent aid organization, Norwegian Refugee Council, released a humanitarian assessment documenting squalid living conditions, wherethe majority of internally displaced peoples have no access to clean water, shelter, or latrines. They conclude that a mass outbreak of disease is likely, and that there are not enough humanitarian aid organizations in the region to organize an adequate humanitarian response to such an event.

 On November 7th, at the 730th meeting of the African Union, the organization’s Peace and Security Council evaluated the results of a four day field mission led by the Burundian ambassador to the AU. The Council adopted a resolution reaffirming the AU’s support for a free and democratic Congo, insisting upon the public release of an elections schedule, and expressing concern about continued human rights abuses.

In a positive development, eighteen people were brought to trial on November 9th for charges of child rape, murder, and organization of an armed group. Though the significant delay of the beginning of the trial and the short initial proceedings of a mere twenty minutes have raised fears that a mistrial is possible, experts suggest there is evidence that the DRC is serious about prosecuting those accused of such crimes. In the past few years, the country has somewhat increased its efforts to combat sexual violence and has successfully prosecuted even high-level military commanders. These efforts have only targeted a tiny proportion of the crimes committed, however.

Burundi

 The crisis in Burundi will be addressed again at the United Nations in November, when the Secretary General’s Special-Envoy will present his findings to the Security Council. The briefing is expected to focus on key recent developments, such as ongoing human rights abuses and the stalling of inter-Burundian peace talks facilitated by the East African Community (EAC),  a regional intergovernmental organization. According to the Security Council’s monthly forecast, the security situation in Burundi has been stable as of late, though this guise of peace is likely unsustainable and the report predicts an escalation of violence between the government and opposition should conditions fail to change.

On November 9, the International Criminal Court granted prosecutors authority to launch an investigation into human rights abuses in Burundi. This follows only days after October 27, when Burundi became the first nation to formally withdraw from the ICC. Any investigation will likely build off of claims made in a United Nations report in September, which documented extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, and other human rights abuses. The Burundian government has announced that it will not cooperate with any investigation.

–

Sael Soni is STAND’s Horn of Africa Coordinator. Sael is a freshman at Vanderbilt University. His interests lay mostly in understanding the dynamics of post-Colonial Latin America and the intersection of human rights and economic policy.

Ana Delgado is STAND’s Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Coordinator. Ana Delgado is a senior at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. She is studying Political Science and Peace, War, & Defense while minoring in Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies. After graduation, Ana hopes to pursue a law degree with an emphasis on human rights.

Soham Mehta is STAND’s Sudan and South Sudan Coordinator.

Caroline Brammer is STAND’s Southeast Asia Coordinator. Caroline is a sophomore majoring in Media and Journalism with a minor in Medical Anthropology at UNC Chapel Hill. She is eager to delve into her role as a member of the Education Task Force for Southeast Asia and excited to learn how she can influence change while on the other side of the world. She enjoys painting, writing, trekking, humanitarian work, and loves travelling above all else.

Rhiannon Winner is STAND’s Great Lakes of Africa Coordinator, focusing mainly on the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Burundi. She is a junior at Gettysburg College where she double majors in Political Science and Public Policy.

Horn of Africa

The Horn of Africa region encompasses the countries of Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea, and contains 120 million people of two major religions, five main ethnic groups, and countless cultures and traditions. Due to widespread poverty and ethnic hostilities, the region is frequently subject to bloody conflict. Today, the largest sources of conflict in the region are fueled by the drought in Somalia and tensions between Eritrea and Ethiopia. These conflicts are complex, evade categorization, and ,while localized specifically to the Horn of Africa region, are accompanied by repercussions of profound international importance.

Somalia

In March of this year, the United Nations declared famine as the single largest humanitarian emergency in the world, identifying four devastating famines in Somalia, Yemen, South Sudan, and Nigeria. Each country, in turn, has a set of internal conditions which make combating widespread hunger and malnutrition particularly difficult. In Somalia’s case, 6.2 million people – more than half the population – need food aid, including more than one million children under the age of five at risk of malnourishment. Somalia has lacked a central government since 1991, creating a power vacuum that al-Shaabab, a jihadist fundamentalist group with ties to ISIS, is attempting to fill. The group currently controls huge swaths of land, and is blocking the provision of humanitarian aid to southern Somalia’s starving population.

West of the famine in Somalia, there are growing tensions between rival states, Ethiopia and Eritrea, the latter often called the “North Korea of Africa” due to its suppression of free speech, egregious human rights abuses, and state-imposed civilian conscription periods of indeterminate length (Shaban 2017). These tensions came to a head from 1998 to 2000, during the Ethiopia-Eritrea border war which resulted in an Ethiopian victory after more than 70,000 casualties. Today, the two countries are in a virtual “Cold War” state with sporadic bursts of violence. Many fear that these tensions may soon threaten regional stability and warrant international intervention. In Asmara’s address to the UN General Assembly last month, Eritrean Foreign Affairs chief Osman Saleh Mohammed accused Ethiopia of illegally occupying Eritrean land for fifteen years, with President Isaias Afwerki blaming the United States for supporting an arms embargo placed on the country under allegations of connections to al-Shaabab. This emerging conflict has the potential to escalate to full-scale war, and many have alleged state-sponsored terrorism on both sides.

These two conflicts are rapidly shifting, with urgent developments occurring each day. Both have the possibility of further escalating and threatening regional and global peace.

Southeast Asia

Burma

On September 21, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina addressed the UN General Assembly to publicly condemn Burma’s treatment of Rohingya Muslims. Bangladesh has sheltered over 800,000 Rohingya refugees from Burma since the conflict arose. In addition, neither Bangladesh nor Burma recognize the Rohingya as citizens, rendering them stateless. During her address, Hasina called for the creation of “safe zones that could be created inside Myanmar under UN supervision” to allow Rohingya refugees to safely return with dignity. Furthermore, UN Human Rights Chief Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein has characterized Burma’s treatment of the Rohingya a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”

The U.S. State Department announced last month that the U.S. would provide $32 million in humanitarian aid to Rohingya for “emergency shelter, food security, nutritional assistance, health assistance, psychosocial support, water, sanitation and hygiene, livelihoods, social inclusion, non-food items, disaster and crisis risk reduction, restoring family links, and protection of over 400,000 displaced persons.” There is hope that this commitment will encourage other countries to address this increasingly dire situation.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s de facto leader and Nobel Laureate, praised in the past for her push for democracy in Burma, is under harsh scrutiny from human rights groups for not addressing this crisis with more urgency. Burma’s Constitution clarifies that Suu Kyi can not fire the Commander-in-Chief of Burma’s Armed forces, nor are the Armed forces obligated to report back to her. They are essentially their own entity, which is worrisome because the Commander-in-Chief, Min Aung Hlaing, claims that the predominantly Muslim countries’ media platforms this story. They also claim that so-called Rohingya “terrorists” are actually committing ethnic cleansing against Buddhists in Rakhine State. Roughly 40% of Rohingya villages in Burma are empty and an estimated 1,000 Rohingya have been killed since August.

Middle East and North Africa

Syria

Raqqa has been under militant control since 2014. As the first city in Syria under ISIS control, it quickly became emblematic of the group’s terror tactics. In June, “heavy street-by-street fighting amid intense U.S.-led coalition airstrikes and shelling” began.

In an effort to de-escalate the conflict and salvage civilian lives, the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), backed by the U.S., brokered a deal entailing the surrender and evacuation of Syrian militants. The most notable part about this deal is the differentiation between local and foreign forces. While local forces will be evacuated, “ISIL’s foreign fighters will be left behind ‘to surrender or die,” according to an SDF spokesperson. However, some outside sources have suggested that foreign fighters will be allowed evacuation as well.

The humanitarian aim of the brokered deal provides insight into the current humanitarian crisis in the country. Local tribal leaders stated that liberation, rather than killing, was the main goal. ABC News reports that “the tribesmen said their evacuation would save the lives of civilians, who the extremist fighters have used as human shields. Furthermore, “last week there was an estimated 4,000 civilians still in the city.”

Sudan and South Sudan

Sudan

On October 13, President Trump lifted sanctions on Sudan. The first round of sanctions against Sudan started in 1993 because of state-sponsored terrorism, and were expanded in 1997 and 2006. The lifting of sanctions was the culmination of former President Barack Obama’s initiative to relieve Sudan of economic isolation in January. Obama’s administration provided specific conditions for Sudan to meet in the following 6 months, in order to lift sanctions. Historically, sanctions have been leveraged in attempts to end the atrocities occurring in Sudan, which range from genocide and ethnic cleansing in Darfur, to atrocities in the Nuba mountains and Blue Nile. With insignificant humanitarian aid, a lack of international cooperation in enforcing the International Criminal Court’s arrest warrants for members of the Sudanese government, and gridlock in the UN Security Council over arms embargos, these sanctions have been the only form of leverage the U.S. has had on Sudan to stop the continued atrocities against its people. President Omar al-Bashir is eager to remove these sanctions, which are not only hated by a few government oligarchs, but also by the country’s growing middle class. Bashir has attempted to engage in multinational partnerships to give the international community the misleading perception that Sudan is undergoing a process of normalization and integration with the outside world. This façade is meant to divert attention from Bashir’s mission to “unite” the country under a homogenous Arab identity by means of ethnic cleansing and genocide.

The real question is whether these sanctions been effective and whether Sudan has taken steps to warrant a lifting of sanctions. Though the aerial strikes on the Nuba Mountains, the Blue Nile and other regions has stopped and Sudan has ended all arms and material support to rebels in South Sudan, Bashir’s track record concerning religious freedom tells a different story. The government has pursued the demolition of 25 churches and protests have been stamped out, with church leaders being killed and peaceful protests being brutally halted.

During the 8069th meeting of the Security Council on October 12, Secretary-General António Guterres made countering instability-rooted starvation a priority saying, “Until these conflicts are resolved and development takes root, communities and entire regions will continue to be ravaged by hunger and suffering.” One of the conflicts prioritized is South Sudan, where half of South Sudanese people depend on food aid, with women and children being hit the hardest. Rebels from both sides frequently block humanitarian aid and plunder homes and fields. Women, who often bring food from areas far from their homes, constantly fear for their lives as they pass through the territories of various rebel groups. With the constantly shifting loyalties of militias, an aid distribution center or a field that was safe to enter previously may now be several rebel territories away. Due to the same uncertainty, aid workers can be welcomed in a refugee camp one day and slaughtered the next. Without UN protection, aid workers may be more reluctant to serve in the country, where 79 aid workers have died since the beginning of the civil war in 2013.   

–

Sael Soni is STAND’s Horn of Africa Coordinator. 

Ana Delgado is STAND’s Middle East and North Africa (MENA) Coordinator.

Soham Mehta is STAND’s Sudan and South Sudan Coordinator.

Caroline Brammer is STAND’s Southeast Asia Coordinator. 

Carly Fabian is a participant in STAND’s Guide to Navigating the Blogosphere. Interested in getting lessons on best practices for blogging and writing on conflict and mass atrocities prevention issues? Join the program! The program is intended to train students to effectively express their own views on international human rights issues; consequently, the views expressed in Blogging Bootcamp posts are those of the participants and do not necessarily reflect official STAND policy stances.

Trigger Warning: this content discusses violent sexual assault.

Last Thursday, the United States recognized the government of Somalia after twenty years of violent anarchy. A new Somali administration took over last year, marking the transition from a temporary government to a government that is supposed to be both stable and permanent. The African Union, allied with government, Ethiopian soldiers, and contracted soldiers, has been slowly taking back land and important towns from the terrorist group, al Shabab, that has ravaged the country in recent years. Hillary Clinton, after speaking to the Somali president, said that this was a “milestone.” But despite the Somali government’s advances, it has failed to appropriately respond to the serious problem of sexual violence against women in it’s war-torn regions. The government cannot command the loyalty and respect of it’s people if it does not fully protect half of its population, particularly from its own military. The state has a responsibility to protect its citizens, particularly those in war zones, from endemic violence. If the new Somali government is to be viewed as the legitimate representative of its people it must fulfill this responsibility.

Years of fighting have left most women as the sole caretakers of their families, leaving them without protection in IDP camps that are often controlled by Shabab militants. Women who venture out, either on a journey to another IDP camp or just to the bathroom, are vulnerable to attack. And the Shabab, lacking money and supplies, have been paying soldiers with “temporary wives,” abducted young girls who are given to the soldiers for several weeks in the place of payment. The girls are often as young as twelve, and if they refuse, they are given two options: death by bullet or death by stoning.

Only days after the US recognized the Somali government, a new rape case involving the government made international headlines. A rape-victim contacted an Al Jazeera reporter and told the reporter that a group of men in government uniforms had gang-raped her. This is not a rare case in the fact that the woman was attacked or in the fact that it was by men affiliated with the government, but rather in the way of the government’s response. Rather than investigating her claim, the government placed a Somali journalist connected with the story in jail, and began a campaign of harassment aimed at the rape victim as well as anyone who was thought to be aiding her.

Sister Somalia, a sexual violence crisis center, is now fearing not only intimidation by the government, but also that this incident will make victims of sexual violence more afraid than ever to come forward. Sister Somalia has worked for years to encourage women, who already harbored rational fears of retribution, rejection, and violence for speaking out, into treatment and rehabilitation. But they fear that their progress might be set back by renewed government intimidation.

The next few months will determine the seriousness of the new American involvement in Somalia. The US should remember that despite Somalia’s advancements, its treatment of women should be a reason why aid cannot be given free of requirements, but instead must be given in return for greater advancement and protection of women and young girls. By ignoring and even attempting to silence the plight of women and young girls within its borders, the new Somali government will lose legitimacy both internationally and internally. While US recognition offers great financial assistance to the governments and economies of struggling countries, the US should also use its leverage as a major donor nation to ensure that the new Somali government fulfills its obligation to control its armed forces and protect IDP camp residents from harm.