In January, after 140 people had been killed, the government decided to withdraw the plan. In a statement, government officials claimed to have “huge respect” for the Oromo and explained that the opposition to the plan was based on a misunderstanding. For many protesters, this response was too little, too late. According to an Amnesty International report, even after the master plan was scrapped, the Ethiopian government continued to imprison Oromo leaders and marginalize members of the Oromo ethnic group. Protesters refused to go back home, and their demands broadened to include fair political representation and basic human rights protections. Though Ethiopia claims to be a democracy, countless hurdles impede the formation of rival political parties and their attempts to obtain power. For the Oromo, their oppression at the hands of the Tigrayans, who make up only 6% of the country’s population, is unacceptable. It is also nothing new. The Oromo have been marginalized since before 1973, which is when they formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, the OLF joined the transitional government. Unfortunately, it was not long before the EPRDF created another Oromo party, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, in order to weaken the OLF. Now, the Oromo are back on the streets, fighting for their rights.

In July, the protests worsened, expanding into Ethiopia’s Amhara region. After the Oromo, the Amhara are the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and over the past few months, tens of thousands have come together to demonstrate against government oppression and ethnic violence.

The government’s response has been brutal. Since the protests began, approximately 800 people have been killed. The police have responded to peaceful protests with violence, exacerbating the existing tensions: Al Jazeera reports that in one instance, the police fired tear gas and warning shots at a group of protesters attending a religious festival. When the protesters turned to run away, several people were crushed to death, leading to a total death toll of approximately 100 according to human rights groups, and 55 according to the government. Furthermore, the government has conducted mass arrests as part of a larger campaign to silence civilians. According to Al Jazeera, more than 11,000 people have been arrested since the demonstrations began last year. Of these, more than 300 are women. The government has also restrained free speech by shutting down all mobile Internet to prevent communications and isolate those dissidents outside of prison. On December 2, the government partially restored Internet, but social media and messaging platforms are still blocked throughout the country.

Unfortunately, the government refuses to acknowledge the valid concerns of Oromo and Amhara dissidents and the legitimacy of their protests. Rather, they have denounced dissidents for disturbing the peace. In a recent statement, a government spokesman vowed to hold those that “started” the chaos responsible. In another statement, a spokesman declared Egypt and Eritrea responsible for the violence, alluding to the possibility that the government would ban protests to try to end the unrest.

These protests have the ability to lead to political change. For the first time, the Oromo and Amhara oppositions have coalesced into a single force against the government, and now pose a greater threat to Ethiopia’s political leadership. The authoritarian regime’s increasing fear of subversion could make it more responsive to its citizens’ needs. The Oromo need a stable government just as much as the government needs the Oromia region—the source of much of Ethiopia’s food and most of its coffee (a large export).

Political change in Ethiopia is critical. The Oromo are a historically oppressed group that have not been offered the same economic and political opportunities as the Tigrayans. It is unlikely that the protests will end until the government acknowledges their legitimacy and agrees to implement reforms. For now, it is unlikely that the opposition will trust the current ruling coalition, the EPRDF, to make necessary changes. For years, it has simultaneously promised to implement reforms and violated human rights. Until they are truly held accountable to their people or a new coalition comes to power, hundreds more Ethiopian dissidents will likely be mercilessly killed and tortured, and thousands imprisoned.

In addition the the need for internal reforms, other countries must fundamentally change the way that they deal with Ethiopia. Human Rights Watch has called for influential countries, such as the US (Ethiopia’s largest donor) and the UK, to publicly condemn the Ethiopian government’s actions. These allies should also push for an international investigation of Ethiopia’s deteriorating human rights situation, both increasing increasing the transparency of how the Ethiopian government deals with dissidents and political opponents and sending a powerful message that such actions will not be tolerated. Now is not the time for the US to stay silent.

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Amala Karri is STAND’s policy intern and attends Hunter College High School in New York.

Featured photo above provided by Reuters.

Sudanese authorities in South Kordofan have increased security measures on the border with South Sudan after the failure of talks in Addis Ababa on the implementation of security arrangements. Khartoum and Juba failed to agree on the issue of South Kordofan and Blue Nile rebels. The Sudanese government accuses South Sudan of harbouring and supporting them, but Juba refuses to discuss the issue saying it is an internal Sudanese affair.

Dozens of workers from Sudan’s state TV staged a protest on the 26th of January to denounce deteriorating working conditions in the form of aging and faulty equipment, as well as the accumulation of financial arrears. In addition, Sudan has lost its voting rights at the United Nations for failing to pay its dues to the world body. Both of these events reflect the fact that oil production, the major source of revenue for both Sudan and South Sudan, has yet to resume, making it increasingly difficult for the Sudan to cover its costs.

On January 30th, Mia Farrow condemned the U.N.’s election of Sudan as one of four vice-presidents of its 54-member Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), a top U.N. body that regulates human rights groups, among other tasks.

Darfur

Around 100 pro-government militia vehicles loaded with various types of weapons and ammunition were seen heading into West Jebel Marra, Central Darfur, on Tuesday morning.

The militia are accused of “Indiscriminately looting and beating” civilians in the area. The gunmen claim they are following orders from Khartoum “to clean up the area of traitors and assassins”. According to the militias, the Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir and the Defense Minister Abdul Rahim Mohamed Hussein are accusing the local residents of supporting rebel groups and of being their spies.

The Sudanese government and a splinter faction of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) are negotiating a temporary ceasefire agreement in the Qatari capital. The parties will discuss power sharing, wealth sharing, compensation, return of internally displaced persons and refugees, justice and reconciliation, and security arrangements. A representative from the JEM emphasized that “The DDPD [Doha Document for Peace in Darfur] is the foundation on which we build,” meaning that any deal between the two parties would not contradict, but add to the DDPD.

South Sudan

On Sunday, two thousand people were forced to flee to a U.N. base after a battle between South Sudanese soldiers and the guards of a former rebel commander laid waste to a small town. Background: In Jonglei State, there has been a cycle of revenge killings between the Murle and Lou Nuer tribes, often provoked by cattle raids. More than 1,500 people have been killed in the clashes since South Sudan’s independence. The South Sudanese army is accused of serious abuses committed against civilians, including simulated drownings and rape, during a disarmament process aimed at ending the inter-ethnic violence.

Burma

The NGO Child Soldiers International released a report on Thursday January 24 claimed the Myanmar military and Kachin Independence Army (KIA), the armed arm of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) that fights for greater autonomy in Burma’s Kachin State, both continue to recruit and use child soldiers. The report cites a lack of political will as a key cause of the continuing use of child soldiers in Burma.

On Friday January 24 David Robinson, the US principal deputy assistant secretary of state for the Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, visited Mae Lae refugee camp near Burma’s eastern boarder in Thailand to announce that the US will cease its resettlement program of Burmese refugees within the next four months. Although believed to be motivated in part by Burma’s recent reforms and ceasefire agreements with various armed ethnic groups, Robinson cited the decision had been reached because the US had reached its quota of refugees from Burma.

On Tuesday January 29 the Myanmar government and the KIO agreed to hold informal peace talks in Kachin State to address the ongoing violence since ceasefire agreements broke down in June of 2011. So far this month, the Myanmar army has reportedly shelled civilian Kachin towns twice, once on January 14 and January 29. So far, around 100,00 Kachin have been displaced since fighting began in 2011.

Additionally, the Myanmar government has abolished a 25-year-old ban on public gatherings on five or more people. The ban was selectively utilized to crush anti-government protests, such as a protest over a controversial copper mine during which, The New York Times has reported that Myanmar police forces used white phosphorus to disperse protesters. White phosphorous, although not considered a chemical weapon, is often used in war, not protests, and can cause serious harm including death.

Syria

The Syrian army has reported that Israeli jets crossed into Syrian territory on Wednesday and bombed a military research center in Jamraya. The Assad regime denied earlier reports quoting US and regional officials as saying that the strikes targeted a shipment of weapons being carried from Syria to Hezbollah in Lebanon. Lebanese officials have reported a sharp increase in activity of Israeli warplanes in Lebanon in the past week, but stated that the strikes did not take place in Lebanese territory.

Syrian opposition leader, Moaz al-Khatib, announced on Wednesday that he would be willing to negotiate with members of the Assad regime to bring a peaceful end to the country’s civil war. Al-Khatib was chosen in November to head the Syrian National Coalition, an umbrella group meant to represent most of the rebels. The move by al-Khatib provoked a wide outcry among opposition leaders and threatened to fracture the opposition. Afterwards, al-Khatib said that he was only stating his personal opinion and would not be negotiating “about the regime remaining, but for its departure at the lowest cost in blood and destruction”.

On Tuesday, at least 71 bodies were found, most of which appeared to have been killed execution style. Activists say that the victims were killed after being kidnapped by government forces, while the Syrian government claims that the victims were kidnapped and killed by terrorist groups (the term the government uses to describe the rebels) in an area under their control.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon announced Wednesday that donor countries have pledged more than $1.5 billion in aid to those affected by the Syrian crisis. Roughly $1 billion of the pledged aid is earmarked for Syria’s neighbors hosting refugees, and about $500 million designated for those still inside the country. Most of this $500 million is likely to go to groups working from Damascus under official Syrian government supervision. Some outside aid agencies, such as the Paris-based group Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières), have been able to reach those in rebel-held areas after crossing through neighboring countries.

Democratic Republic of the Congo

The US Treasury Department has designated Eric Badege and Jean-Marie Runiga, two senior leaders of the M23, as persons contributing to the conflict in the DRC. Bedege and Runiga are on the UN’s consolidated asset freeze and travel ban list.

A 12-member committee of experts is expected to present findings of the failed March 23, 2009 peace agreement this week. Uganda’s minister of defence, Cruspus Kiyonga, will communicate the summary of the findings to leaders at the peace talks. The committee will provide information and evidence from both delegations regarding the implementation of the former peace agreement.

The African heads of state meeting in Addis Ababa have postponed the signing of a regional peace agreement for eastern DRC, which was scheduled for this past Monday. The postponement followed a “discreet meeting” between Kagame, Museveni, and Kabila.