On February 23, the UN released a report on human rights abuses that detailed Sudanese soldiers as perpetrators in the five-year conflict. The report implicated at least 40 military officials in war crimes and crimes against humanity. There have been several accounts of gang rape, other forms of sexual assault, and execution of civilians.

This information is not new. It has been widely known for years, yet neither the South Sudanese government nor the international community has adequately responded. Before its independence from Sudan in 2011, the United States had sanctions in place on Sudan due to its atrocities in South Sudan and Darfur – but they were removed in 2017. Despite that move, the United States placed oil sanctions on 15 South Sudanese oil operators on March 21. Although the South Sudanese government stated that these sanctions would hinder their plans to increase their oil production, the U.S. Department of State stated that “The South Sudanese Government, and corrupt official actors, use this revenue to purchase weapons and fund irregular militias that undermine the peace, security, and stability of South Sudan.”

The unsettlingly lax approach to the South Sudanese military’s human rights abuses leaves little hope that the information being prepared for a presentation to the UN Human Rights Council will yield tangible results. It is important to note that the UN has already condemned these crimes, although this is the first time they have uncovered any specific details. There have not been any real punishments to the government of South Sudan, and although the country has been urged to bring consequences upon perpetrators, very little action has been taken. Human rights observers are hoping that a African Union-South Sudan hybrid court, which would be responsible for legal investigation of human rights abuses, will be established soon, but it is unlikely that action will actually be taken.

Impunity has plagued human rights efforts for the past century. People continue to be horrified by crimes, but they do not take appropriate action to prevent them from occurring in the future. Thus, the cycle of human rights abuses continues.

The situation in South Sudan is particularly precarious now, as, in addition to violence, people also face famine. A comprehensive solution is difficult to formulate, as efforts to punish South Sudan’s government could worsen the situation and hurt the people of South Sudan even more. Now, more than ever, action must come from within.

The situation of South Sudan is not unique. These crises often exist in cycles, and it is nearly impossible to restabilize a country through one individual effort. At the same time, external punishment can be dangerous to the people currently living through the crisis. Even humanitarian aid organizations can perpetuate the very problems they are meant to alleviate (see recent reports of sexual abuse within the ranks of Oxfam and the Red Cross). It is therefore crucial that thought be put into sustainable solutions and accountability for all abusers.

South Sudan has been in turmoil and instability for the past five years, and has become a vacuum for human rights abuses. What it needs right now is thought and care to solve the deeply-rooted problems that have been ignored for far too long.

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Mira Mehta is a writer and a student at Westfield High School.  In her spare time, she enjoys debating and running on the track team.  This is her first year as a member of the Communications Task Force at STAND.

Johal was vacationing in India after his wedding when he was arrested under the pretense that he was involved in targeted killings of minority leaders and funding the Khalistan Liberation Force, an armed group dedicated to creating a separatist state. The Sikh Federation UK, an organization that raises awareness about Sikh issues, suggests that Johal was targeted because he is a human rights activist who detailed the atrocities of the Indian state during the 1984 Sikh Genocide on a website called Never Forget 1984. Senior Punjab Police officials maintain that he was “neck-deep” in targeted killings and also express concern about Johal’s activism and his influence on youth, calling it radicalization, a tactic long used by oppressive regimes as an excuse for extra-judicial action.

Johal is still under custody and his lawyer, Jaspal Singh Manjhpur, meets with him for an hour every day. His request for an independent medical board was denied because it would be too late to find physical signs of torture or the effects of severe medical torture, Manjhpur has since decided not to press for an examination. Manjhanpur has also expressed concern that no formal charge has been named and that his court date keeps getting postponed, thus extending his stay in police custody.

The Sikh diaspora in the United Kingdom and the United States have raised their voices through social media and protests, starting a campaign called #FreeJaggiNow. A petition for Johal’s release has almost hit its 50,000 signature goal. The social media campaign has also gained significant momentum with multiple individuals conducting street parchar (educating pedestrians) in the UK and many gurudwaras (Sikh houses of worship), have held prayers and educational events. A gurudwara in San Jose recently brought together Bay Area universities in order to host a kirtan (a melodic recitation of the verses in the Guru Granth Sahib) night for Johal, and many other student groups and communities are following suit.

The Johal case has brought the 1984 Sikh Genocide and subsequent killings, illegal arrests, and discrimination against Sikhs to the forefront of conversation once again. Johal’s activism has reawakened the narrative of Sikh suffering, and continued human rights abuses against Sikhs by the Indian state. Recent legislative acts have darkened the Sikh population, and include the National Security Act of 1980, the Terrorist Affected Areas Act of 1984, the Armed Forces Special Powers Acts of 1983, and the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) of 1985. Since independence in 1947, these pieces of legislation have given extra-judicial powers to the police, inciting a trend of false cases and mass incarcerations of wrongfully accused activists and innocent Sikh men. In 1955, security officials killed 200 Sikhs and illegally detained over 12,000 in an attack at Harmandir Sahib, the main house of worship for Sikhs in Amritsar, Punjab. In 1984, Harmandir Sahib was attacked again by then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. This attack, known as Operation Blue Star, killed 70 innocent pilgrims, and around 40 bodies were found. 

This oppression and continued denial of genocide and human rights abuses did not end in the 1980s, and Sikh political prisoners are still held, without trial, under false allegations. In 1995, human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra, known as a martyr of Sikhism for his justice work on missing and killed Sikhs, was also arrested for revealing ledgers documenting the firewood used for the mass cremations of Sikhs during the decade following the genocide. He was only able to investigate one of the 13 districts of Punjab, but even within this one district documented the mysterious disappearance of 25,000 Sikh youths. Khalra was killed while in police custody, and although witnesses have implicated the police, the chief at the time, Kanwar Pal Singh Gill, was never held responsible for the crime. Over 10 years later, six minor police officials were finally convicted; however, the main conspirators and human rights abusers escaped without any implications. The lack of justice for those that commit mass state crimes against Sikhs is evident in the way the Indian government continue to glorify perpetrators through posthumous memorials, appointments, or reinstatements of Indian off
icials.  

Without fair trials and condemnation of genocide perpetrators, the Sikh community will continue to face oppression by the Indian state, and Jagtar Singh Johal’s murder will become one of many examples of this horrific cycle. Johal cannot be forgotten or become another statistic. As activists and believers in justice, we must raise our voices for his release and condemn the use of physical and mental torture against both Johal and all human rights advocates. As Johal did, we must come together as community to raise awareness about the Indian government-sponsored human rights abuses and continued oppression of Sikhs. We must work with the Sikh diaspora and the sympathetic Indian citizens to stop discrimination against Sikhs and create space for justice in India.

Here are some things you can do right now:

• Support the #FreeJaggiNow campaign on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram.

• Sign the “Justice for Jagtar Singh Johal” and “Condemn India’s Denial of Justice to the Victims of November 1984 Sikh Genocide.” petitions to show your support.

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Harleen Kaur is a freshman at Stanford University, studying International Relations on a pre-medical track. She has been a part of STAND for five years and is the Field Organizer for high school chapters this year. Her family comes from Punjab and can recall the horrors of the 1984 Sikh Genocide. This family history has inspired her to study human rights and raise awareness about genocide prevention.

Until late December of 2016, when a peace treaty was signed, the DRC was two years deep in political conflict that left many civilians vulnerable to abuse. In fact, the UN Human Rights Office reported that 64 percent of the over 5,000 human rights abuses that occurred that year were committed by the Congolese army and police. The UN Human Rights Council even wrote a letter to the President of the DRC, Joseph Kabila, demanding that stronger efforts be made to combat and report out on human rights abuses in the country. While the treaty was signed in December, the country has not yet enforced a comprehensive reform plan to address human rights abuses. Many are concerned that adding the DRC to the UN Human Rights Council sends the wrong message and allows the country to maintain the status quo rather than work towards higher human rights standards.

For others, the concern is not only about the DRC, but also about all other countries perpetrating human rights abuses. Notably, Venezuela,  Burundi, and Saudi Arabia are all serving terms on the Council. By including the DRC on the UN Human Rights Council, the credibility of the Council is undermined, as is its ability to hold abusers and violators of human rights accountable.

With these consequences and recent human rights abuses at the forefront, many leaders were quick to criticize the decision.  Ambassador Haley said in a statement that “countries that aggressively violate human rights at home should not be in a position to guard the human rights of others.” Louis Charbonneau, UN Director at Human Rights Watch, called it a “slap in the face to the many victims of the Congolese government’s grave abuses.”

The culture of complacency at the UN is troubling, especially when noting that many power struggles lie at the root of human rights abuses, including in the DRC. Recent history has proven that a stable power structure and strong, credible leadership are critical to ensuring the preservation of people’s rights.  In Burundi, political conflict has flooded the streets with blood and left refugees with wounds as deep as the divisions in the region. In Sudan, a quest for absolute political control has left the government standing on the tenets of  murder, assault, and repression. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia’s coalition has violated laws of war, causing famine and halting aid delivery by blockading all ports of entry.

The world needs stable leaders who are willing and capable to take on the responsibility of protecting human rights across the globe rather than simply posturing. The UN Human Rights Council is meant to be a group comprised of such individuals from around the world. Their mission is to help preserve human rights, but that cannot be done if their integrity is not maintained in the public eye. It is crucial that stricter rules and standards regulate elections to the Council. With the election of the DRC, a country that is a prime example of why the world needs the UN Human Rights Council, it is time to reevaluate the member selection process.  It is long past time to make human rights a genuine priority.

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Mira Mehta is a writer and a student at Westfield High School.  In her spare time, she enjoys debating and running on the cross country team.  This is her first year as a member of the Communications Task Force at STAND.